Who is enemies with israel

He is the first to congratulate then-US president Donald Trump when he withdraws from the deal in Officially still at war with Syria, Israel claims to be trying to keep out of the current civil conflict since it broke out in But from on, Israel, wary of Hezbollah and Iran helping Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, carries out hundreds of air strikes against them in Syria.

Israel begins cultivating ties with long-time foe Saudi Arabia, Iran's main religious and regional rival. Netanyahu says Israel and leading Sunni Arab states see "eye-to-eye" on concerns about the growing influence of Tehran.

Iran blames Israel for the assassination of its nuclear expert Mohsen Fakhrizadeh on November 27, and vows "terrible revenge". Netanyahu on March 1, blames Iran for a blast on an Israeli-owned vehicle carrier in the Gulf of Oman. Two weeks later Tehran denounces as "sabotage" an attack on an Iranian vessel in the Mediterranean Sea. Ayalon aspired to enlarge the fleet, for which partial financing by Israel was required, and pushed for a decision on the issue, to the displeasure of Chief of Staff Ehud Barak and most of the IDF General Staff.

As such, Ayalon did not hesitate to sign an affidavit appended to the petition submitted this summer to the High Court of Justice by former senior figures in the defense establishment, calling for Netanyahu to be investigated in the affair and for the establishment of a state commission of inquiry.

Ayalon reveals in his book that Rabin himself first broached the idea, about a year before he was murdered.

Following a decisive meeting about the submarines, Rabin asked Barak to leave the room and then proceeded to astound the naval chief. Ayalon describes what happened next. I need you at the Shin Bet. It made no sense to ask someone like him to head up the Shin Bet, he felt. By the time Ayalon entered his office in Shin Bet headquarters, the gates of hell were already wide open.

One suicide attack followed another in swift succession, and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat did very little to stop them. Ayalon found himself in a double bind: He had to eradicate Palestinian terrorism, which was out of control, by means of a hapless security service — and at the same time fight Jewish terrorism, in light of the fact that Rabin had been assassinated by a Jewish law student with ties to the settlement movement and its radical rabbis.

But paradoxically, I am responsible for everything that happens here, and all of us will have to work together to bridge the gap between my lack of knowledge and experience and the degree of responsibility I have. If you think I am wrong about something, I want you to tell me. More specifically, to prevent Hamas from murdering Israeli civilians, we needed to infiltrate its military wing, the Qassam Brigades.

Our failure until then was the consequence, I was convinced, of not having the right sensors. Indeed, by the time Ayalon concluded his tenure, the brain had developed and was operating the muscles effectively. The methods improved, the technological capabilities were upgraded, the database had undergone digitization, and above it all hovered a spirit of daring and refreshing, out-of-the-box thinking. To this must be added the good cooperation between the Shin Bet and Mohammed Dahlan, at that time the head of the Palestinian security forces in the Gaza Strip, and his counterpart in the West Bank, Jibril Rajoub.

In the end, Jibril and his people arrested more Hamas terrorists than Israel did, Ayalon notes in the book. Question of credibility. They were both assassinated near Hebron by a force of the Yamam, the Israel Police antiterror unit, on the basis of intelligence supplied by the Shin Bet.

Ayalon sheds light on this, relating that Rajoub and his colleagues wanted to apprehend the brothers, but that the critical intel was finally obtained by Diskin and his staff. Surprising opposition to the operation, which aimed to capture the brothers alive, came from Netanyahu.

Several Israeli activists were arrested by Israeli forces during the protest. The space for civil society in occupied Palestine and in Israel is therefore further diminishing. An Israeli protestor is being violently arrested by Israeli forces after the dispersal of the protest. Israeli human rights groups and organizations operate in an increasingly hostile environment.

For instance, the group rebuilds demolished infrastructure or houses and accompanies Palestinian shepherds when entering zones which have been declared state land or military zones, or are surrounded by settlements. Besides, the group initiates legal action. During direct action, the activists are regularly prevented from documenting violations and face verbal and physical abuse. The soldiers ignored these demands, instead forcefully preventing Palestinians from working.

As the confrontation unfolded, a settler punched an elderly Palestinian into the chest, with the army standing idly by. According to Special Rapporteur Mr. Lynk, the organizations endure an antagonistic public atmosphere influenced by the settlements movement, the Israeli political leadership, and the media, as well as discriminatory legislation by the Knesset. Institutions supporting boycotts are divested of their tax-exempt status, are ineligible for vital forms of public funding, and can be sued by those affected by boycotts.

For instance, Israeli human rights NGOs, particularly those submitting reports to the UN, have been prevented from receiving foreign funds. As this vague provision can be widely interpreted and arbitrarily applied, it has already resulted in the incarceration of numerous human rights defenders and Israeli citizens opposing the brutal occupation. The tone of his voice was very grave. It had just been revealed that over the course of many months, a right-wing, settler-backed organization called Ad Kan had been planting infiltrators into different human rights organizations to spy on and record activities with hidden cameras, in an attempt to acquire any kind of evidence that could be used against them.

One activist described the infiltration as part of the larger attempt by the Israeli State to damage the human rights and anti-occupation scene. They were eventually released, after more than a week, with no charges pressed. The infiltration and the arrests of the three activists had significant repercussions on the activism as well as the private lives of Israeli anti-occupation and human rights activists and reverberated in the activist circles. Guy particularly underlined that amidst an atmosphere of distrust and paranoia, people are afraid to speak, fear being spied on, and do not know who they can trust.

Even though the incidents did not surprise most activists, given what they perceive as the incessant deterioration of state policies and radicalization of right-wing actors, the attempt at delegitimizing and criminalizing human rights defenders and anti-occupation activists reached an unprecedented level in their eyes.

During interrogation, the activists were subjected to torture methods. Apart from having informants follow his every step and having his body searched by detainees, Guy experienced psychological and physical violence.

After their release, Guy and Ezra were banned from the West Bank for an additional two weeks, prohibited from contacting one another for 60 days and from contacting their good friend and co-activist Nasser for three months. For Guy, not being able to connect with Nasser was the hardest part of his arrest, as they usually talk every day on the phone as friends and partners, or are active on the ground together.

This not only impeded their work but also severely impacted their mental wellbeing. While they were accompanying a Palestinian shepherd in Zanota, he shared with a GICJ member that he and his friends experienced their arrests as traumatic and lived instances of psychological warfare. Judging from yet another inconclusive election result in Israel that has also seen strong support for parties on the right, which pour cold water on the notion of any deal with the Palestinians, it appears that many Israelis would agree with this perspective.

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